Art of conquest việt nam

     

Whatever economic progress Vietnam made under the French after 1900 benefited only the French và the small class of wealthy Vietnamese created by the colonial regime. The masses of the Vietnamese people were deprived of such benefits by the social policies inaugurated by Doumer và maintained even by his more liberal successors, such as Paul Beau (1902–07), Albert Sarraut (1911–14 & 1917–19), and Alexandre Varenne (1925–28). Through the construction of irrigation works, chiefly in the Mekong delta, the area of lvà devoted to lớn rice cultivation quadrupled between 1880 & 1930. During the same period, however, the individual peasant’s rice consumption decreased without the substitution of other foods. The new lands were not distributed ahy vọng the landless & the peasants but were sold khổng lồ the highest bidder or given away at nominal prices khổng lồ Vietnamese collaborators và French speculators. These policies created a new class of Vietnamese landlords & a class of landless tenants who worked the fields of the landlords for rents of up lớn 60 percent of the crop, which was sold by the landlords at the Saigon export market. The mounting export figures for rice resulted not only from the increase in cultivable lvà but also from the growing exploitation of the peasantry.

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The peasants who owned their land were rarely better off than the landless tenants. The peasants’ share of the price of rice sold at the Saigon export market was less than 25 percent. Peasants continually lost their lvà to the large owners because they were unable lớn repay loans given them by the landlords và other moneylenders at exorbitant interest rates. As a result, the large landowners of Cochinchina (less than 3 percent of the total number of landowners) owned 45 percent of the land, while the small peasants (who accounted for about 70 percent of the owners) owned only about 15 percent of the lvà. The number of landless families in Vietphái mạnh before World War II was estimated at half of the population.

The peasants’ nội dung of the crop—after the landlords, the moneylenders, & the middlemen (mostly Chinese) between producer & exporter had taken their share—was still more drastically reduced by the direct và indirect taxes the French had imposed to finance their ambitious program of public works. Other ways of making the Vietnamese pay for the projects undertaken for the benefit of the French were the recruitment of forced labour for public works & the absence of any protection against exploitation in the mines và rubber plantations, although the scandalous working conditions, the low salaries, & the lachồng of medical care were frequently attacked in the French Chamber of Deputies in Paris. The mild social legislation decreed in the late 1920s was never adequately enforced.

Apologists for the colonial regime claimed that French rule led khổng lồ vast improvements in medical care, education, transport, & communications. The statistics kept by the French, however, appear lớn cast doubt on such assertions. In 1939, for example, no more than 15 percent of all school-age children received any kind of schooling, and about 80 percent of the population was illiterate, in contrast khổng lồ precolonial times when the majority of the people possessed some degree of literacy. With its more than trăng tròn million inhabitants in 1939, Vietphái nam had but one university, with fewer than 700 students. Only a small number of Vietnamese children were admitted to the lycées (secondary schools) for the children of the French. Medical care was well organized for the French in the cities, but in 1939 there were only 2 physicians for every 100,000 Vietnamese, compared with 76 per 100,000 in nhật bản và 25 per 100,000 in the Philippines.

Two other aspects of French colonial policy are significant when considering the attitude of the Vietnamese people, especially their educated minority, toward the colonial regime: one was the absence of any kind of civil liberties for the native population, & the other was the exclusion of the Vietnamese from the modern sector of the economy, especially industry & trade. Not only were rubber plantations, mines, & industrial enterprises in foreign hands—French, where the business was substantial, and Chinese at the lower levels—but all other business was as well, from local trade to the great export-import houses. The social consequence of this policy was that, apart from the landlords, no property-owning indigenous middle class developed in colonial Vietphái mạnh. Thus, capitalism appeared khổng lồ the Vietnamese khổng lồ be a part of foreign rule; this view, together with the lack of any Vietnamese participation in government, profoundly influenced the nature and orientation of the national resistance movements.

Movements of national liberation

The anticolonial movement in Vietphái nam can be said to have sầu started with the establishment of French rule. Many local officials of Cochinchimãng cầu refused khổng lồ collaborate with the French. Some led guerrilla groups, composed of the remnants of the defeated armies, in attacks on French outposts. A much broader resistance movement developed in Anphái mạnh in 1885, led by the great scholar Phan Dinc Phung, whose rebellion collapsed only after his death in 1895.

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The main characteristic of the national movement during this first phase of resistance, however, was its political orientation toward the past. Filled with ideas of precolonial Vietnam giới, its leaders wanted to lớn be rid of the French in order khổng lồ reestablish the old imperial order. Because this aspiration had little meaning for the generation that came to lớn maturity after 1900, this first stage of anticolonial resistance did not survive sầu the death of its leader.

Modern nationalism

A new national movement arose in the early 20th century. Its most prominent spokesman was Phan Boi Chau, with whose rise the old traditionacác mục opposition gave way to a modern nationadanh sách leadership that rejected French rule but not Western ideas, science, và giải pháp công nghệ. In 1905 Chau went lớn nhật bản. His plan, mildly encouraged by some Japanese statesmen, was to không tính tiền Vietnam with Japanese help. Chau smuggled hundreds of young Vietnamese inlớn Japan, where they studied the sciences và underwent training for clandestine organization, political propagandomain authority, & terrorist action. Inspired by Chau’s writings, nationalist intellectuals in Hanoi opened the Free School of Tonkin in 1907, which soon became a centre of anti-French agitation & consequently was suppressed after a few months. Also, under the inspiration & guidance of Chau’s followers, mass demonstrations demanding a reduction of high taxes took place in many cities in 1908. Hundreds of demonstrators và suspected organizers were arrested—some were condemned to death, while others were sent to Con Son (Poulo Condore) Islvà in the South China Sea, which the French turned into lớn a penal camp for Vietnamese nationalists.

Phan Boi Chau went lớn Đài Loan Trung Quốc in 1910, where a revolution had broken out against the Qing (Manchu) dynasty. There he mix up a republican government-in-exile to attract the tư vấn of nationalist groups. After the French arranged his arrest and imprisonment in Trung Quốc (1914–17), however, his movement began to decline. In 1925 Chau was seized by French agents in Shangnhì và brought back lớn Vietphái mạnh for trial; he died under house arrest in 1940.

After World War I the movement for national liberation intensified. A number of prominent intellectuals sought to achieve sầu reforms by obtaining political concessions from the colonial regime through collaboration with the French. The failure of such reformist efforts led lớn a revival of clandestine and revolutionary groups, especially in Anphái mạnh và Tonkin; aước ao these was the Vietnamese Nationalist Party (Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang, founded in 1927 & usually referred khổng lồ as the VNQDD). The VNQDD preached terrorist action and penetrated the garrisons of indigenous troops with a plan to lớn oust the French in a military uprising. On the night of February 9–10, 1930, the troops of one garrison in Tonkin killed their French officers, but they were overwhelmed a day later and summarily executed. A wave of repression followed that took hundreds of lives và sent thousands to prison camps. The VNQDD was virtually destroyed, và for the next 15 years it existed mainly as a group of exiles in Trung Quốc supported by the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang).

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Vietnamese communism

The year 1930 was important in the history of Vietphái mạnh for yet another reason. Five sầu years earlier, a new figure, destined lớn become the most prominent leader in the national movement, had appeared on the scene as an expatriate revolutionary in South Đài Loan Trung Quốc. He was Nguyen Ai Quoc, better known by his later pseudonym of Ho Chi Minh. In June 1925 Ho Chi Minh had founded the Revolutionary Youth League of Vietnam, the predecessor of the Indochinese Communist Party.


Chuyên mục: Tin Tức